Donald Trump’s presidential campaign was characterized by economic populism, blatant attacks on the financial sector and the glimmering promises to the white working class. Now he fills his administration with veterans of the industry, the financial elites and Washington’s lobbyistfirmor.
last week, it became clear that Donald Trump appoints Steven Mnuchin, a former partner in Goldman Sachs, as treasury secretary. It is difficult to imagine a person who is further away from the economically populist rhetoric that characterized the Trumps of the campaign. Trump spent more than a year to travel around the USA and keep the speech in which he demonized just financial firms like Goldman Sachs. His campaign was marked by serious attacks against both Wall Street as Washington, the groups Trumps the story shoots itself on working americans by shipping jobs overseas and sign free trade agreements that mainly benefit the foreign investors and the wealthiest.
During the valkampanjens last week released the Trump is a controversial commercial where he attacked Wall Street and the global financial elites. Among other things, we got to see a picture of Goldman Sachs ceo Lloyd Blankfein, who was alleged to have robbed our working class in the film.
Trump’s promise to his voters was to create a completely new economy in the united states, with a new leadership in Washington who would not follow the old rules of the game. But now it seems Trump is ready to abandon many of the ideas that dominated his campaign.
Trump’s administration resembles more and more a kind of dream team for the republican högerflank. He fills the White house with purist ideologues who want to implement huge tax cuts, sharp cuts in welfare spending and the extensive deregulation of the energy policy. The same billionaires and finanselit Trump attacked tirelessly during the election campaign, now form the ideological cornerstones of his administration.
The policies of Donald Trump so far presented suggests that he abandons his more mittenorienterade the proposals and the relatively moderate views on social welfare policy, where he, during the election campaign rhetoric took a giant step away from the republican traditional åstramningspolitik, which means requirements on the cuts and attacks on welfare dependency. Now embraces Trump instead of the more radical Tea Party agenda that has dominated the party’s internal politics since 2010. It seems the pacific part of the concern over Trump on Wall Street, but it’ll hardly make his kärnväljare particularly enthusiastic.
Trump has also shifted his rhetoric to sound more like traditional republicans, with promises to abolish government regulations, reducing the federal bureaucratic apparatus, and the lower företagsskatterna. He is approaching, thus, the policies that Paul Ryan and Mitch McConnell, the republican leader in congress, formulated the past few years.
When it comes to energy policy, we learn to see a u-turn back to the policies that characterized the White house during the oil industry’s friends George w. Bush and Dick Cheney. According to Trump’s new chief of staff Reince Priebus is Trump still committed to the climate crisis is a myth. He still promises to withdraw the initiative, which Obama carried out in order to regulate the emissions and to prevent klimatkrisens consequences. He wants to abolish the Paris climate agreement – which must be approved by congress – and removing many of the regulations for the coal and oil industry. And he is a strong advocate of the Keystone XL Pipeline, the oil pipeline became a symbol for climate change, and which was stopped by Barack Obama last year.
Trump also wants to allow more offshore oil drilling off the U.S. mainland. He wants to make it easier to drill for oil and natural gas reserve and reduce or completely abolish the regulations for carbon dioxide emissions. He also promises to bring life in the dying coal industry in the united states, which, according to Trump is a clean energy source.
Donald Trump also looks to hold on to the protectionism he advocated during the election campaign. Trump still wants to build the 180-mile-long wall along the Mexican border, to introduce new restrictions for trade with China, creating incentives and tax breaks for companies to get the plants to stay in the united states, and renegotiate or eliminate several free trade agreements, such as NAFTA, the agreement between the united states, Canada and Mexico, and the TPP, the trade agreements with asian countries, as Barack Obama attempted to quiet in the port.
He has called her economic platform, for An America First economic policy among other things, to impose heavy fees on trading in China and Mexico, two countries consistently he demoniserat in their kampanjtal. His radical trade policy reforms is a matter of concern in many of the regions that is very much with US.
most economists have cut Trump’s proposal. They argue that the risk to cripple the u.s. economy and contribute to the recent years of wage increases comes to a halt. Tougher rules and fees for international trade are also risk reducing the purchasing power of the american middle class, because the cost of vardagskonsumtionen will rise.
this is a short version of the text Trump embraces högerflanken. Pernumeranter can read it by pressing on the link.
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